21. Cf. the character of Mark Winsome in Melville, The Confidence-Man, pp. 223–44 (chapters 36–39).
22. Vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, p. 23.
23. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 619.
24. Vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, p. 23.
25. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 25.
26. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 781.
27. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 25.
28. Vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, pp. 23–24.
29. Memorandum, Walinsky to Bobby, “Tasks Immediately Ahead in Bedford-Stuyvesant,” 1966, p. 3, in the Walinsky Papers, file 2.
30. On solipsistic, “emotionally distant” Rose, see Leamer, The Kennedy Women, pp. 134, 136, 191, 375.
31. Ibid., pp. 113–14.
32. Quoted in Blake, Disraeli, pp. 201, 208.
CHAPTER 16
1. The meeting with Etienne Manac’h is described in Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, pp. 766–69, and vanden Huevel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, pp. 236–39.
2. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 768; vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, p. 238.
3. Time exaggerated: Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 768.
4. Ibid.
5. See ibid., p. 769.
6. Ibid., p. 774.
7. See the 1968 World Book Year Book, p. 266.
8. See Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 846. Bobby changed his mind after the Kerner Commission issued a first-rate report.
9. Didion, Slouching Towards Bethlehem, p. 78.
10. Greene, The Quiet American, p. 25.
11. Conrad, Lord Jim, pp. 12–13.
12. Forster, A Passage to India, p. 27.
13. On JFK’s skeptical attitude toward an American presence on the Asian mainland, see Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 701.
14. Sorensen, Kennedy, pp. 17–18.
15. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 124.
16. Crowley, Nixon off the Record, p. 173.
17. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 775.
18. Isaacson and Thomas, The Wise Men, pp. 422, 446.
19. Ibid., p. 648.
20. Ibid., p. 647.
21. Ibid., p. 671.
22. Ibid., pp. 670–71.
23. Ibid., pp. 652, 693–95, 702.
24. Ibid., p. 687.
25. One must make an exception for Joseph Alsop, who continued to support the Vietnam War even after it became unpopular in Georgetown; he refused to abandon his principles in the name of changing political fashions.
CHAPTER 17
1. Lippmann and the Fabians: Steel, Walter Lippmann, pp. 23–49; “drunk with power”: ibid., p. 319. Lippmann as a perceptive critic of the New Deal: ibid., pp. 318, 322–26. See also Lippmann’s book The Good Society.
2. Steel, Walter Lippmann, pp. 433–49. Lippmann was also an early and astute critic of America’s policies in Vietnam; in 1964 he wrote that the military outlook there was “dismal beyond words.” Newfield, A Memoir, p. 119.
3. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 196.
4. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 836; Newfield, A Memoir, pp. 195–96.
5. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 832.
6. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 191.
7. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 836.
8. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 202.
9. Ibid., p. 203.
10. Ibid., p. 204.
11. See Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, pp. 848–49; Newfield, A Memoir, p. 218.
12. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 854; Newfield, A Memoir, p. 211.
13. Schlesinger wrote that although to many “it looked as if [Bobby] were deciding to enter only after McCarthy had shown the way in New Hampshire,” the reality was that “he had reached that decision a week or more earlier.” Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 854. Schlesinger’s eagerness to demonstrate that Bobby had decided to run even before the results of New Hampshire were known is understandable; by coming late to the race, Bobby appeared to be an opportunist and a coward, a politician who had been unwilling to act until another man had revealed the extent of the danger, a weakling who, in Murray Kempton’s words, came “down from the hills to shoot the wounded.” See Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 861. It is true that Bobby had, before New Hampshire voted, sent his brother Ted to tell McCarthy that he was going to run; but this doesn’t demonstrate that Bobby had irrevocably made up his mind. If Johnson had trounced McCarthy in New Hampshire, Bobby would have been perfectly free to walk away from the contest. It is telling that Bobby himself said that he decided to run for President only after the New Hampshire primary, when he learned that Johnson had rejected the idea of a Vietnam commission and was commited to achieving a military victory in Indochina. See Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 854.
14. Newfield, A Memoir, pp. 216–17.
15. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 855.
16. Newfield, A Memoir, pp. 231–41.
17. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 863.
18. Ibid., p. 877. Cf. Bobby’s statement that “the welfare system itself has created many of [America’s] fatherless families.” Press release, May 19, 1968, in Collected Speeches, p. 385.
19. Lasky, The Myth and the Man, p. 405. The Lincoln Trail: vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, p. 344.
20. Can’t have the federal government telling people what’s good for them: Newfield, A Memoir, p. 36, quoting Warren Weaver, Jr., “Kennedy: Meet the Conservative,” The New York Times, April 28, 1968, The Week in Review, Section 4, p. 1.
21. Lasky, The Myth and the Man, p. 405; Gladwin Hill, “Reagan Derides Kennedy Stands,” The New York Times, May 21, 1968, p. 29.
22. Ibid.
23. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 883.
24. Ibid., p. 889.
25. Ibid., p. 872.
26. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 81.
27. Ibid.
28. Meany “would barely speak” to Bobby: ibid. On big labor siding with Humphrey, see Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 884.
29. Irrational regulations (such as those that used to govern the airline industry): See Bork, The Antitrust Paradox; pp. 183–84. The biggest businesses were also better able to bear the costs of regulatory overkill in areas like the environment than their smaller competitors, were better able to withstand the onslaught of litigation that various product liability laws created, and found it easier to raise money in heavily regulated capital markets.
30. The individual does matter: Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 872.
31. Vanden Heuvel and Gwirtzman, On His Own, pp. 376–77.
32. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 911.
33. On this point I follow Newfield’s analysis; see Newfield, A Memoir, p. 282.
34. Bobby after the debate: details are from Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 912.
36. Details of Monday, June 3, 1968, and Tuesday, June 4, 1968, are drawn primarily from Newfield, A Memoir, pp. 282 et seq. and Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, pp. 900 et seq.
37. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 913.
38. Newfield, A Memoir, p. 290.
39. Collected Speeches, pp. 401–2.
40. American Journey, p. 60.
CONCLUSION
1. Churchill’s father, Lord Randolph Churchill, pioneered the idea of “Tory Democracy,” a democratic political order in which aristocrats and patrician “experts” would play the largest part. David Cannadine observed that Winston’s own early efforts “on behalf of the poor—regulating wages and conditions in the mines and the sweated trades, and setting up labour exchanges and unemployment insurance—were essentially authoritarian and paternalistic in their benevolence.” Cannadine, Aspects of Aristocracy, p. 156. As late as 1930 Churchill advocated the creatio
n of the very type of regulatory and administrative state that Roosevelt himself set about constructing during his presidency; speaking at Oxford in 1930 Churchill called for the establishment of a new “economic sub-parliament” composed of persons “possessing special qualifications in economic matters.” Cannadine, Aspects of Aristocracy, p. 158. Churchill’s desperate capitulations to the welfare state mentality in the 1945 general election must not be permitted to obscure his belief that those who thought like Mr. Attlee and the other architects of Britain’s postwar welfare state committed themselves to an equal distribution of miseries, while those who championed a system of free enterprise, as he did, favored an unequal distribution of blessings.
2. Bobby supported welfare state programs even as he criticized the welfare state. See Lasky, The Myth and the Man, pp. 284–85, 323, 324, 340.
3. Adam Walinsky, “America Is Under Siege: The Crisis of Public Order,” The Greensboro News & Record, August 27, 1995; Lars-Erik Nelsonn, “Domestic War Shortchanged by Congress,” The Star-Ledger (Newark, N.J.), June 22, 1995. See also Walinsky’s essay in the July 1995 number of The Atlantic Monthly.
4. Nelsonn, op. cit.
5. Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, p. 805.
Index
The index that appeared in the print version of this title does not match the pages in your eBook. Please use the search function on your eReading device to search for terms of interest. For your reference, the terms that appear in the print index are listed below.
Abernathy, Ralph
Acheson, Dean
Vietnam and
Ackerman, Bruce
Adams, Brooks
Adams, Henry
Administrative state
Aeschylus
Age of Jackson, The (Schlesinger)
Age of Roosevelt, The (Schlesinger)
Agricultural Adjustment Administration
Alcibiades
Aldrich, Nelson
Alphand, Hervé and Nicole
Alsop, Joseph
on American aristocrats
as columnist
conversion to Kennedy fold
the East and
on Franklin Roosevelt
Alsop, Stewart
Alsop, Susan Mary
Amazing Grace (Kozol)
“American Scholar, The”
Angleton, James Jesus
Anti-Semitism
Antonioni, Michelangelo
Appleton, Ann
Aristotle
Arnold, Dr.
Astor Foundation
Athens
Attlee, Clement
Ayer, A. J.
Baby boomers
Bagehot, Walter
Bailyn, Bernard
Baldwin, James
Baltzell, E. Digby
Barnes, Tracy
Barnett, Ross
Barry, Bill
Bay of Pigs crisis
Beaverbrook, Lord
Bedford-Stuyvesant restoration project
community control of
political purpose of
Belafonte, Harry
Bennett, William
Bergen, Candice
Berlin, Sir Isaiah
Berlin Wall
Bernstein, Leonard
Bernstein, Mrs. Leonard
Berry, Edwin C.
Best and the Brightest, The (Halberstam)
Bevel, James
Biddle, Francis
Billings, Lem
Bissell, Richard
Blowup
Bohlen, Chip
Bolingbroke, Henry St. John Viscount
Bolshakov, Georgei
Borgia, Cesare
Boston, Massachusetts
Boston Brahmins
Boston Latin School
Bouvier, Jacqueline, see Kennedy, Jacqueline Bouvier
Bowles, Chester
Bradlee, Benjamin
Brandt, Willy
Breslin, Jimmy
Brideshead Revisited
Brown, Pat
Bruce, David
Brumus (RFK dog)
Buchwald, Art
Buckley, Charles
Bundy, Bill
Bundy, McGeorge
Bundy family
Bunker, Ellsworth
Burden, Carter
Bureaucracy
Bobby’s criticism of
Burke, Edmund
Burton, Richard
Bush, George
Byron, Lord
Caesar, Julius
Camus, Albert
Cannadine, David
Canterbury prep school
Capell, Frank
Capote, Truman
Cardin, Pierre
Carey, Hugh
Carlyle, Thomas
Carnegie Endowment
Carter, Jimmy
Casals, Pablo
Castro, Fidel
CBS
Cecil, David
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
Chamberlain, Neville
Chapman, John Jay
Chappaquiddick
Chavez, Cesar
Cheyfitz, Eddie
Chiang, Mme.
Choate
Churchill, Randolph
Churchill, Winston
Cicognani, Cardinal
Cincinnati, Ohio
City-states, ancient
see also Athens; Greek polis; Sparta
Civil rights
Clark, Kenneth B.
Cleaver, Eldridge
Clifford, Clark
Clinton, Bill
Clinton, Hillary Rodham
Clougherty, Peter “Leather Lungs”
Cohn, Roy
Cold War
Coles, Robert
Collier, Peter
Columbia Law School
Common man
Community
antagonism between family and
as idealistic notion
self-confidence and sense of
Community development corporations
Compassion
Bobby’s, see Kennedy, Robert F. “Bobby,” suffering and pain, compassion for
self-confidence and
Confidential Agent, The (Greene)
Conrad, Joseph
Containment theory
Cooper, Duff and Diana
Cooper, James Fennimore
Corbin, Paul
Corcoran, Tommy
Council on Foreign Relations
Cox, Archibald
Cravath, Paul Drennan
Crespi, Contessa
Crotty, Peter
Daley, Richard
Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR)
Davis, Judge David
Davis, John W.
Dean, John Gunther
Death of a President, The (Manchester)
Defense Department, U.S.
de Gaulle, Charles
Deneuve, Catherine
Detroit, Michigan
Devonshire, Duke of
Diana, Princess
Didion, Joan
Dien Bien Phu
Dillon, Douglas
Disraeli, Benjamin
Dole, Bob
Douglas, John
Douglas, Paul
Douglas, William O.
Drew, Daniel
Dulles, Allen
Dutton, Fred
Edelman, Marian Wright
Edelman, Peter
Edgartown Regatta
Education (Adams)
Eichmann, Adolf
Eisenhower, Dwight D.
Eliot, T. S.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo
Essays
English, John
English Traits (Emerson)
Enlightenment
Entrepreneurial tradition
Bobby’s embrace of
hero of
Essays (Emerson)
Establishment theory
Etzioni, Amitai
Evers, Charles
Fabians
Fabian socialism
Faith-based rescue programs
“Fame”
Family
Bobby’s devotion to, see Kennedy, Robert F. “Bobby,” family and
the Greeks and
religion and