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    Behind the Backlash

    Page 24
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      had a beard and insisted on visiting the mosque for his daily prayers made

      Faraaz’s father worry that the entire family would be scrutinized. Faraaz

      explained the situation:

      it was kind of crazy. Amin got here on monday [september 10], and

      september 11 happened on Tuesday. He was like, “What do i do

      now?” He has a beard. lately, with ramadan and the last ten days,

      which are the holiest days of ramadan, he’s been going back and

      forth to the mosque for prayers. He’s let his beard grow a little. it’s

      something he says he does every ramadan—he gets a little bit more

      into it than normal. so my dad’s freaking out about that, about him

      going back and forth to the mosque, somebody seeing that, tracing

      that back to us. so he’s really worried about that. There’s been a lot of

      tension as a result of my cousin’s presence in our house.

      Converts to islam faced a distinct set of challenges after the 9/11 attacks.

      These individuals—like many persons who adopt a different religion—had

      struggled to explain their conversion to their family members before 9/11.

      After the terrorist assaults on the World Trade Center and the pentagon,

      converts experienced even more opposition in their households, which led

      to many hurtful exchanges. eric, a white man originally from minnesota,

      described his mother as “very loving” but “never accepting” of his decision

      to convert to islam. eric recalled the painful questions that his mother asked

      him following 9/11:

      Repercussions / 137

      my mom, she’s just like a normal American mother. she’s not muslim.

      After all this, she actually asked me if i believed in flying a plane into

      a building. i don’t think she really thought that i would do something

      like that, but the fact that she asked me, that was really . . . i am not

      sure i can even express how painful that was. i think she was kind of

      scared. she was scared about me being beat up because i’m muslim,

      but i think she also was scared that i was some kind of fanatic. We

      had a lot of disagreements for weeks after the attacks; then we just

      stopped talking about anything related to 9/11.

      Tim, also a white convert to islam, experienced similar issues with his

      family after 9/11. Although he described his family as “liberal and open-

      minded,” Tim acknowledged that the terrorist attacks deeply unnerved him

      and his relatives:

      When you convert, it’s like your family tries to accept it, because

      they love you, even if they don’t fully understand it. But then they

      see these muslims who supposedly represent islam doing these hor-

      rible actions like this. . . . it is just really hard for them to see you

      and know that you are a part of the faith that is being put on trial for

      these attacks. When you aren’t muslim, i understand that it is really

      hard to differentiate between the good and the bad. When they show

      Osama bin laden on the news every night, saying crazy stuff, my

      family has a really hard time knowing what i believe. my grandfather

      has asked me some questions. He’s said some pretty mean things to

      me, but i understand it’s hard for them.

      The home certainly offered some protection from the hostility and

      suspicion that pressed in on muslim Americans from all sides after 9/11.

      Ultimately, however, the home did not function as the haven that muslims

      so desperately needed. instead, the effects of the backlash disrupted even the

      most private spaces and intimate relationships, intensifying old conflicts and

      adding new stresses to the lives of muslim Americans.

      Aftershocks

      For most Americans, the feelings of crisis surrounding 9/11 eventually began

      to recede.39 For muslim Americans, the fallout caused by the terrorist attacks

      has been painful and enduring. Although the most violent backlash against

      muslims, Arabs, and those who were mistakenly perceived to be muslim

      or Arab subsided in the months following 9/11, covert and overt forms of

      138 / Chapter 5

      discrimination; anti-muslim and anti-Arab defamation in the media; and

      government surveillance of mosques, muslim homes, and islamic busi-

      nesses have continued to cast a cloud of suspicion over the entire community.

      Hafeez, who lived in new york City on 9/11, described the context as follows:

      “We were all attacked once on American soil. We all felt the pain and the loss

      and the fear. But islam is under continuous attack. For us, this disaster has

      had no end.”

      This sense of being under “continuous attack” was pervasive among the

      muslim community in the aftermath of 9/11. On the five-year anniversary of

      the terrorist strikes, salma, a second-generation American of indian descent,

      reflected on the long-term consequences of 9/11 for muslim Americans:

      it’s never been as bad as it was the couple of weeks after the actual

      event on our soil. That was the worst and most frightening time for

      all muslim Americans. But now, every time something happens that’s

      on the news—the wars, suicide bombings, whatever is going on in

      the middle east—it comes back a little bit. We still get aftershocks.

      muslims still feel it when something happens. Those events are what

      remind us of our place in American society.

      The unprecedented severity of the backlash that followed the 9/11 attacks

      and the persistent rise in anti-islamic incidents linked to political turmoil in

      the middle east shaped the lingering atmosphere of fear within the muslim

      community. CAir and ADC documented surges in hate crimes following

      the U.s.-led invasions of Afghanistan and iraq.40 vandals set fire to an iraqi-

      owned automotive garage and scrawled the words “We Hate” across the

      front of the building just days after the United states began military strikes

      in Afghanistan in October 2001.41 in the subsequent weeks, mosques from

      California to Connecticut were seriously damaged, and muslim- and Arab-

      owned businesses and homes were attacked. A similar pattern followed the

      start of the persian Gulf War in march 2003. muslim women were physically

      assaulted, rocks were thrown through the windows of islamic centers, and

      vile graffiti was painted on msA offices on several college campuses.42

      Bias crimes jumped again following the beheading atrocities that terrorists

      committed in the middle east, the 2004 madrid bombings, the 2005 london

      bombings, and other instances of mass violence that produced a direct sense

      of outrage among many Americans.43

      The aforementioned events, as well as many others, provoked recurrent

      waves of anxiety that spread across the muslim American community. As

      one participant commented, “now, every time a bomb goes off anywhere in

      the world, it’s the muslims who need to duck and cover. . . . One way or the

      other, it will come back on us, and there is always that chance that someone

      Repercussions / 139

      we love could be hurt.” miriam, a native new yorker, noted that she had tried

      to stop thinking so much about the 9/11 attacks and other global events, as

      all the worrying was “taking too big of an emotional toll” and was making

      her feel
    “a little bit crazy.” yet she explained that the “sense of fear comes

      back from time to time.” When i asked miriam to elaborate, she offered the

      following example:

      A month or so ago [in march 2002], there was the woman suicide

      bomber in israel. They were showing her picture all over the news.

      That day, i got really worried, because i saw men on the train read-

      ing the Daily News, and the front page said, “she-Devil,” in really big

      letters. i thought, “Oh no, here we go again.” it is just that every time

      something happens that is connected to muslims, i start getting that

      anxious feeling again.

      some of the participants in this study wondered whether things would

      ever “return to normal” for the muslim community or if their lives,

      relationships, and futures in America would forever be altered for the worse.

      Ahmad, a second-generation American of palestinian descent, worried not

      only about his future but also about the prospects for his children:

      Our main concern here is what is our future? That’s what it comes

      down to. you get these new history books [that will say]: “muslims

      attack America.” What’s going to happen when kids in school read

      them? your people attacked my culture. How do you raise children in

      such an environment? it all comes into effect in the long run. you’ve

      really got to look into the future perspective rather than what’s just

      now, about what’s going to happen a month, a year, ten years, a few

      generations from now. What is this country going to fall back on?

      6

      Adaptations

      The post-9/11 backlash clearly set muslim Americans on an emotional

      and behavioral response trajectory that deviated significantly from

      the reactions observed among the wider U.s. population. muslims

      experienced heightened fears stemming from the backlash, and the

      interviewees in this study were subsequently left feeling isolated and

      depressed. The stress of responding to the backlash spilled over into the

      participants’ homes and generated conflict within their families. muslim

      men and women altered their daily routines for weeks (and, in some

      cases, for months) after 9/11 as they attempted to avoid hostile confronta-

      tions with non-muslims. Because muslim Americans stayed away from

      locations and activities that they viewed as unsafe for members of their

      faith, they were denied the opportunity to participate fully in rituals of

      national solidarity and were unable to collectively mourn the losses that

      the terrorist attacks caused.

      The violent and discriminatory backlash deeply wounded muslim

      Americans. They also recognized, however, that many of the protective

      strategies that they relied upon in the immediate aftermath of the terrorist

      attacks—locking themselves inside their homes, keeping low profiles

      when forced to return to school or to work, avoiding mosques and other

      islamic institutions, concealing certain aspects of their identities—were

      simply not emotionally, financially, or physically sustainable. Amana, a

      Adaptations / 141

      native new yorker, captured the pain and the gradual shift in perspective

      that many muslims experienced after 9/11:

      muslims couldn’t even come out of their houses. i stayed home for

      six days after the towers came down. i had a constant headache.

      i couldn’t focus. i barely ate anything. everyone, every muslim i

      knew, was depressed and scared. We were all filled with so much

      uncertainty. But then, after a while, my dad was like, “We can’t live

      like this. We can’t be hiding all the time.” i guess we understood that

      everything changed for the worse for muslims, but we also knew that

      we had to go out and educate and inform others.

      Based on religious affiliation alone, the entire islamic community had

      become associated with the perpetrators of the terrorist assaults. muslims

      were subsequently discriminated against by other Americans, maligned by

      the media, selectively targeted by law enforcement officials, and portrayed as

      the ultimate enemy by some outspoken political and religious leaders.

      This chapter focuses on how muslim Americans have adapted to this new

      and often frightening post-9/11 reality. As the data presented below illustrate,

      muslims attempted to defend themselves and their religion through forging

      a stronger sense of group solidarity; they turned to their faith and to other

      muslims for comfort and support after they were shut out from the national

      community of sufferers; and, rather than downplaying their islamic identity,

      muslims began to more prominently display symbols of their faith in an

      effort to actively combat negative stereotypes.

      Solidarity and Strength

      After 9/11, one of the themes that the interviewees conveyed was that their

      isolation from the larger U.s. community led to an increased sense of soli-

      darity among muslims. As one participant declared, “it always happens that

      when you attack some group, they are going to try to reaffirm who they are. if

      you cast them out, they’re going to come together to try to prevent themselves

      from being attacked. The more people attack muslims, the more we’re going

      to come together.”

      This reaction is not unique. Decades of social science research have

      established that groups that feel ostracized or threatened are likely

      to experience a wave of collective solidarity.1 The perception among

      marginalized group members that they are all being targeted based on one

      specific identity—racial, ethnic, religious, or cultural, for instance—lies at

      the core of this response.2 in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, fears were

      142 / Chapter 6

      widespread within the muslim American community that all muslims were

      at significant risk for being publicly harassed, discriminated against, or

      profiled by government authorities.

      Of course, the millions of muslims living in the United states represent

      a broad range of people from different places with varied perspectives and

      values. muslim Americans are the most ethnically diverse religious group

      in the United states. The population includes newly arrived immigrants,

      later-generation descendants of immigrants, and converts to the faith.

      muslims’ political beliefs range from ultraconservative to ultraliberal.

      And the community consists of devout, practicing believers at one end of

      the continuum and secular, nonpracticing muslims at the other end. yet

      following the terrorist attacks, the countless ways of situating muslims in the

      complex American social landscape paled in significance when compared to

      the master status of “being muslim.”3

      One young woman summed up the exclusion that muslims experienced

      after 9/11 as follows: “muslims weren’t treated as Americans. We were hardly

      Americans at that time. We were just muslims, just enemies, definitely

      outsiders.” pervez, a pakistani American from Colorado, claimed that the

      backlash impacted every muslim, at least to some extent: “in one way or

      another, the backlash had an effect on all of our daily lives, whether it’s the

      negative images of islam they are
    showing on the Tv or whatever. As a muslim,

      you can’t sit back and say it doesn’t have an effect on you. now, whether you

      like it or not, if you’re a muslim in America, you’re targeted somewhat.”

      The unprecedented severity of the backlash and the harsh rhetoric

      directed against islam and muslims made many of the participants feel like

      social outcasts. rais, a native new yorker, explained that muslims developed a

      heightened sense of collective identification not by choice but rather in direct

      response to this extreme marginalization: “muslims haven’t come together

      by our own will. We’ve been alienated. people have been concentrating on the

      muslim part and totally disregarding the American part. They’ve alienated

      us from society, made us feel like we’re not welcome. That’s what brought us

      together. That’s the only cohesion.”

      malik, who was raised in saudi Arabia and moved to the United states for

      college, asserted that it was “only natural” that this sense of alienation would

      draw muslims together: “you can see that it’s only natural that something

      like this would foster group cohesion. you’re being identified in a particular

      way. When that is the case, in order to feel stronger, you’ll identify with that

      group. you want to get closer to that group. it’s a natural urge.” As this quote

      suggests, many muslims experienced a powerful impulse to join together in

      the weeks and months after 9/11. These individuals believed that the only

      way the community could “stand strong” was for muslims to collectively

      organize and to establish a united front.

      Adaptations / 143

      in her book Islam in America, which was published two years before

      the 9/11 attacks, author Jane smith wondered “what, if anything, unifies all

      muslims in America.”4 smith noted that “immigrants have squabbled over

      differences in culture and custom,” while a “distinct division” developed

      between the pakistani, indian, Arab, and African American muslim

      communities in the United states.5 in the early 1990s, earle Waugh, a

      professor of religious studies, chronicled the many factors that distinguish

      indigenous and immigrant muslims in the north American context. He

      concluded that muslims “may have as much separating them from each other

      as divides them from the host societies of Canada and the United states.”6

     


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